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Tocqueville: Democracy in America (Library of America) (精装)
by Alex de Tocqueville, translated by Arthur Goldhammer
| Category:
Politics, Nonfiction |
| Market price: ¥ 378.00
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¥ 338.00
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| MSL Pointer Review:
A timeless analysis of human nature with an exceptional insight on citizenship and governance, Tocqueville is a must read on the workings of democratic governments. |
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AllReviews |
1 Total 1 pages 6 items |
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Brett Williams (MSL quote), USA
<2007-01-09 00:00>
So many aspects of the deepest and most shallow in America are laid bare by a Frenchman who came to The States in 1835 to find for himself whether individuality, freedom and liberty could survive the dangers of equality and democracy. "[The nation] depends on [its people to determine] whether the principle of equality is to lead them to servitude or knowledge, to freedom or barbarism..." writes de Tocqueville. Perhaps, contrary to modern thought, only an outsider can so accurately assess a people. But de Tocqueville is eminently balanced, overall in favor (in my opinion) of what he saw, and thus dismissed in France upon his return.
He notes an American addiction to the practical rather than theoretical, a pragmatic concern, not for the lofty and perfect, but the quick and useful, with relentless ambition, feverish activity and unending quests for devices and shortcuts. Resulting from a requirement for survival on the frontier, these observations are the good, bad and ugly of our modern selves; Resourceful technocrats expanding comfort, health, safety or wealth by anyone with ingenuity and persistence; Our exchange of youth for old age in the workplace, improving our standard of living at the expense of our quality of life; America's shallow nature of thought, sealed up in sound-bites.
De Tocqueville finds in the sacred name of majority, a tyranny over the mind of Americans as oppressive and formidable as any other tyranny - arguably more so by virtue of its acceptance. Where monarchs failed to control thought, democracy succeeds. Opinion polls our politicians subscribe to have a power of conformity. "I know of no country in which there is so little independence of mind and real freedom of discussion as in America," he writes. "It is as if the natural bond which unites the opinions of man to his tastes, and his actions to his principles is now broken..."
Of literature and art we see why so much pulp crowds the bookshelf and bamboozles fill our galleries; "Style will frequently be fantastic, incorrect, overburdened and loose - almost always vehement and bold. Authors will aim at rapidity of execution more than at perfection of detail... The object of authors will be to astonish rather than to please, to stir the passions more than charm the taste."
A fascinating evolution of perception - of self and state - unfolds as the democratization of education, property ownership and the vote expands. Wiping away the trappings of privilege transforms the serfdom mindset. We see the perception of opinion as both scoffed when originating in individuals other than ourselves, and, conversely, the worship of opinion as a manifestation of majority rule. Americans, once lionizing the intrepid individual, instead took a turn to having most pride in their sameness. Armed with this understanding, today we see each group define itself by its signals - body language, speech cadence and inflection, vocabulary and dress. Today our youth have surfer speech, rap speech, gangster dress, the hooker look. Business embraces managerese, like "due diligence", "proactive", "right sizing", "leveraging assets to meet market demands". Politicians use the word "clearly" so often that what they mean is not clear. Every group has its code words, actions and look. A time consuming process of investigating the revealed character of individuals is exchanged for quicker, simpler signs.
The climax is reached with de Tocqueville's troubling "either or"; "We must understand what is wanted of society and its government. Do you wish to give a certain elevation of the human mind and teach it to regard the things of this world with generous feelings, to inspire men with a scorn of mere temporal advantages, to form and nourish strong convictions and keep alive a spirit of honorable devotedness? Is it your object to refine the habits, embellish the manners and cultivate the arts, to promote the love of poetry, beauty and glory? If you believe such to be the principle object of society, avoid the government of democracy, for it would not lead you with certainty to the goal.
"But if you hold it expedient to divert the moral and intellectual activity of man to the production of comfort and promotion of general well being; if a clear understanding be more profitable to a man than genius; if your object be not to stimulate the virtues of heroism, but the habits of peace; if you had rather witness vices and crimes and are content to meet with fewer noble deeds, provided offences be diminished in the same proportion; if, instead of living in the midst of a brilliant society you are contented to have prosperity around you... to ensure the greatest enjoyment and to avoid the most misery... then establish democratic institutions." |
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James Maclean (MSL quote), USA
<2007-01-09 00:00>
While I was delighted with Tocqueville's masterpiece per se, it's necessary to emphasize that this particular edition is superb. First, the translation is in good, fluid style; second, it is unabridged, which is essential; and third, because it included the notes and map. I have read abridged editions and found them uninteresting because the analytical digressions were cut off. Please don't be daunted by the great length of this edition; I found it a surprisingly fast read. It's not terribly original to rave about the excellence of Tocqueville's work; even those who disagree with his worldview find his way of expressing it both stimulating and very useful for solidifying their own opinions. Tocqueville, moreover, is very good at using classical methods of dialectical philosophy to explain why one would expect certain conditions to prevail in the United States, given other circumstances that obtain.
Having just read much of the political philosophy of Plato, plus Bertrand Russell's criticism of it, I would say that a commonly-overlooked merit of Tocqueville's work - particularly Book I - is that it serves as a dialectic alternative to the Platonic tradition of political philosophy. Plato used an ingenious approach of leading questions and deductive responses to argue that society required a firm structure with permanent, ergo ultraconservative, institutions. The object was to preserve highminded- ness and public spiritedness, which for Plato and the great majority of Western political philosophers since him, meant a caste society with total egalitarianism amongst the classes. Both features, plus the absolute devotion to warfare and martial glory (on the part of the guardians) naturally militated against liberty.
Writers since Plato, such as Filmer, applied variants of this political philosophy to more recent societies, usually relaxing Plato's corollary hostility to new technologies: modern technology tended to facillitate state coercion, and experience with egalitarianism amongst classes--as, for example, in revolutionary battlefields--suggested that it was not essential, or even helpful, for suppressing class struggle. Tocqueville's insight was to apply a dialectic of liberty to the experience of democracies in general and the United States in particular (he distinguishes firmly between the two; France after the July [1830] revolution was, for example, more democratic than before, and the like was true for the UK after the 1832 Reform Act). Oddly, he regards the USA as distinguished mainly by the high degree of EQUALITY he sw there, rather than democracy; he regards the latter as having the far more decisive impact on the formation of social mores, and hence, of living conditions.
I said Tocqueville offers a dialectic alternative to Plato's caste-oligarchy. He is dialectic in the sense that he organizes the book in many short chapters, each proposing a question about the peculiar Usonian national character (e.g., why is American patriotism so captious? Why are American attitudes so conformist?). The succession of questions is not truly dialectic, insofar as they are not, strictly speaking, interrelated, as a Platonic dialogue would be; however, Tocqueville does rely on deductive reasoning to explain what he has observed, and, much the way Socrates was supposed to have deduced the immortality of the soul and its survival into the next life, so Tocqueville makes some startlingly accurate predictions about the future of the United States.
Tocqueville's general view of the USA is startlingly favorable, particularly for a European observer; but it includes much criticism, some of it harsh. In particular, he finds conformity of opinions and the tyranny of the majority almost unendurable; slavery he attacks lightly (France still had slavery in 1835, and the UK began phasing out slavery in 1834; abolition was still a sore point amongst the colonial powers), but his prognosis of race relations is extremely bleak. He never includes the words, "America is great, because it is good" (that appears to have originated with either Gerald Ford in March '76 or with Eisenhower, to whom Ford attributed the remark); it's pretty clear that Tocqueville was not prone to such fatuous simplication. He does, however, regard the problems of democracy in the United States as generally easier to mitigate and live with, than the residual problems of autocracy in Europe. He also regards the emergence of democracy as inevitable. |
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Michael Neulander (MSL quote), USA
<2007-01-09 00:00>
De Tocqueville was simply of one of the great social scientists writing about America and Democracy. From reading the book I deduced that De Tocqueville was a social scientist before Marx! He compares European culture and government with the fledgling culture and democracy he observes in America. He is very much impressed with what he sees taking place in America in the 1830's and hopes it will spread to Europe. He at first believed that America's prosperity was simply due to geography and their distance from powerful neighbors, he abandons this idea after his visit to America. He comes to realize that the West is not being peopled "by new European immigrants to America, but by Americans who he believes have no adversity to taking risks". De Tocqueville comes to see that Americans are the most broadly educated and politically advanced people in the world and one of the reasons for the success of our form of government. He also foretells America's industrial preeminence and strength through the unfettered spread of ideas and human industry.
De Tocqueville also saw the insidious damage that the institution of slavery was causing the country and predicted some 30 years before the Civil War that slavery would probable cause the states to fragment from the union. He also the emergence of stronger states rights over the power of the federal government. He held fast to his belief that the greatest danger to democracy was the trend toward the concentration of power by the federal government. He predicted wrongly that the union would probably break up into 2 or 3 countries because of regional interests and differences. This idea is the only one about America that he gets wrong. Despite some of his misgivings, De Tocqueville, saw that democracy is an "inescapable development" of the modern world. The arguments in the "Federalist Papers" were greater than most people realized. He saw a social revolution coming that continues throughout the world today.
De Tocqueville realizes at the very beginning of the "industrial revolution" how industry, centralization and democracy strengthened each other and moved forward together. I am convinced that De Tocqueville is still the preeminent observer of America but is also the father of social science. A must read for anyone interested in American history, political philosophy or the social sciences. |
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Mike Heath (MSL quote), USA
<2007-01-09 00:00>
I constantly use Democracy in America as a reference guide. Tocqueville's essays on the dangers of a pure democracy and how Americans relate to their government is as relevant today as it was in the 1800s. Tocqueveille brings forward a broad range of themes, his essays on these themes provide evidence he was an uncanny journalist and poltical analyst, a rare trait in one person. Its amazing that one person could learn so much in one 9 month trip!
The reader not only gets an unmatched history lesson on the effects our founding had on America circa-Jacksonian times, his his genius analysis of that history provides perspective on the strengths of having a democratic republic where liberty reigns rather a pure democracy mutating into tyranny that are just as true today. |
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Margrett Magnus (MSL quote), USA
<2007-01-09 00:00>
De Toqueville was a French aristocrat in his early 20's (early 20's!!!) who came to the US in order to report to France on the conditions in American prisons. I read this book unabridged many years ago, and I still find myself referring to it regularly and shaking my head in amazement.
Somehow this young man saw into the nature of our nation more deeply than than the large majority of us see it ourselves. He discusses every aspect of our government and society, from political parties to the women, from slavery to war to farming to elections. There's just something about the way he discusses these topics insightfully, in depth, and fairly - assessing our flaws as well as our virtues - that leaves me still today feeling like he has placed a benediction over the American people, a sort of divine authorization to proceed with this dream of ours, despite the fact that we stumble and sometimes even fall, and he knew in advance that also that would happen. In addition to all your other considerable contributions to science and culture, thank you, France, also for this man. Thanks from America to you.
One thing that can't help but bowl the modern reader over is the accuracy of his predictions. America will face a great civil war, he predicts, and although they've chosen a bunch of numskulls for president before, don't be fooled. In time of great need, they will elect a great man. They just don't want busybodies in power unless they need them. I know America has only a small percent of the GNP and population of France, but keep a close eye on this one. In 100 years, its population will be around 200,000,000. And the world will be split between two great powers, Russia which will gain its preeminence by the sword and America which will gain it by the plowshare. Now I know Mexico just translated America's Constitution word for word into Spanish, and aspires to establish a society just like theirs. And I know their current populations are comparable. Still America will gain preeminence, but Mexico will not. And here's why. And I know the number of Negroes and the number of natives is about the same, and they are both subordinate to the whites. Still the natives will disappear as a powerful identifiable social and economic force, but the African will not. There will be a well defined and influential African subculture in 100 years, but the same will not hold of the natives. And here's why. |
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Midwest Book Review (MSL quote), USA
<2007-01-09 00:00>
Deftly edited by Olivier Zunz (Commonwealth Professor of History, University of Virginia), Democracy In America 1835-40 presents the classic text written by Alexis de Tocqueville in a new English translation by Arthur Goldhammer that smoothly captures the sheen of Tocqueville's literary style while faithfully rendering the depth and scope of his ideas. Tocqueville was a Frenchman who visited the United States in 1831 for nine months, conducting interviews with more than 200 people on American politics, law, and social practices. His reflections on the "great democratic revolution" transforming the Western world are insightful, inspirational, and continue to offer a timeless depth from a seasoned perspective which has been appreciated by generations of historians, academics and scholars for almost 175 years now. |
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