|
|
Tocqueville: Democracy in America (Library of America) (Hardcover)
by Alex de Tocqueville, translated by Arthur Goldhammer
| Category:
Politics, Nonfiction |
| Market price: ¥ 378.00
MSL price:
¥ 338.00
[ Shop incentives ]
|
| Stock:
Pre-order item, lead time 3-7 weeks upon payment [ COD term does not apply to pre-order items ] |
MSL rating:
 Good for Gifts |
| MSL Pointer Review:
A timeless analysis of human nature with an exceptional insight on citizenship and governance, Tocqueville is a must read on the workings of democratic governments. |
| If you want us to help you with the right titles you're looking for, or to make reading recommendations based on your needs, please contact our consultants. |
Detail |
Author |
Description |
Excerpt |
Reviews |
|
|
|
Author: Alex de Tocqueville, translated by Arthur Goldhammer
Publisher: Library of America
Pub. in: February, 2004
ISBN: 1931082545
Pages: 928
Measurements: 8.7 x 6.4 x 1.3 inches
Origin of product: USA
Order code: BA00436
Other information:
|
|
Rate this product:
|
|
- Awards & Credential -
A book that The Library of America claims that its editions will stay in print forever. |
|
- MSL Picks -
What was Tocqueville trying to accomplish? Briefly, the aristocratic born Frenchman spent almost a year starting in 1831 traveling in The United States during the heyday of Andrew Jackson's first term. Touring widely, speaking to a great variety of people, and trying to introduce as much variety as possible into his plans, he observed carefully and questioned wisely on the nature of American society. In 1835 and 1840 he published in two volumes his Democracy in America. Written in French, and aimed at a French audience, he probably had no idea he was becoming America's unofficial political philosopher. Writing with a more personal approach than would be common today, there is no doubt that he is directly addressing his readership and it is not us. His goal is simply to expound upon how democracy, still a novel concept at the time, worked in what was then nearly the youngest country on Earth, but still the oldest functioning democracy (or republic, if you wish to split hairs). It is clear from the start that his goal is simply to relate (with some of his own commentary thrown in) how Americans do it, and what the outcome has been, with some discussion on where Tocqueville thinks the future will lead. It is not to suggest our way as the only course of action for France or any other European culture (he makes frequent comparisons to France and also to Great Britain). Nor is it to say that American culture is perfect in any way, though the reader cannot help noticing that he was impressed overall. His goal is to educate on matters of fact as they stood at the time.
So why is Tocqueville so popular in America now? First of all, we can't discount that though he intended no flattery, the account is still overwhelmingly positive. So yes, it caresses our ego a bit. But even there it does so by emphasizing those aspects of America that have become enshrined as our national culture. Industrious, daring, active and mobile, practical; these are emphasized. But even when he points out our lack of high culture (literature, painting and sculpture, music) and emphasizes the lowbrow nature of American pastimes it still speaks to an old conceit; that we are better than the Old World. That we disavow the effete high culture of aristocracy that stifles the human imagination. We all remember this from middle school I'm sure. I don't think Tocqueville created this image - Ben Franklin promoted it quite actively during his time in Europe, especially in France. But he probably expresses it better than anyone has. So far as specifics go, there are far too many to relate in detail in such a limited space. Tocqueville covers the important points of political philosophy as they stood in his day. True, some passages are livelier than others. Some discussion covers points of American constitutional government that would be well known to most American readers. Perhaps it is because English versions are in translation, but the text is easily readable to anyone with moderate literary skill. Trying to spell de Tocqueville is harder than reading any given chapter.
Finally, beyond the style and the favorable impression, Tocqueville has a lot to say that's worth listening to. Though doubtless not his intention (being a liberal as understood in his day), he actually gives through his many comparisons the best picture of the strengths of aristocracy that I've come across in my life. And this without even promoting it. The author reveals himself as having a penetrating insight. Even his predictions are worth reading, knowing now how things have turned out. His pessimistic appraisals of future race relations (including a prediction that there would never be a civil war) have proven false. But at times even very specific claims come true. His guess of the population of America in one hundred years (to 1945) would, if not bolstered by massive immigration in the late century, probably have been accurate. He even claims as an aside that in the future it would be the competing models of America and Russia that would dominate the world. And this is far from his central thesis.
Needless to say at this point, I highly recommend Tocqueville. For anyone with any curiosity about American institutions, whether as a historical snapshot or for philosophical insight, Tocqueville has rightly stood the test of time. His thoughts are as deserving of our attention today as they were in his own day, in America as in France. A treasure awaits you between the covers.
(By quoting Roger Thompson, USA)
Target readers:
General readers
|
|
- Better with -
Better with
Capitalism and Freedom: Fortieth Anniversary Edition
:
|
|
Customers who bought this product also bought:
|
|
Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859) was a French sociologist and historian. He was active in law and politics, serving for a time as foreign minister and wrote L'Ancien Régime, a social and political study of pre-revolutionary France.
Translated from French into English by Arthur Goldhammer, who is the award-winning translator of more than eighty French works in history, literature, art history, classical studies, philosophy, psychology, and social science. Olivier Zunz is Commonwealth Professor of History at the University of Virginia, and the author of numerous books including Why the American Century? He has also co-edited The Tocqueville Reader (Blackwell) and is president of the Tocqueville Society.
|
|
From the Publisher:
Alexis de Tocqueville, a young aristocratic French lawyer, came to the United States in 1831 to study its penitentiary systems. His nine-month visit and subsequent reading and reflection resulted in Democracy in America (1835–40), a landmark masterpiece of political observation and analysis. Tocqueville vividly describes the unprecedented social equality he found in America and explores its implications for European society in the emerging modern era. His book provides enduring insight into the political consequences of widespread property ownership, the potential dangers to liberty inherent in majority rule, the importance of civil institutions in an individualistic culture dominated by the pursuit of material self-interest, and the vital role of religion in American life, while prophetically probing the deep differences between the free and slave states. The clear, fluid, and vigorous translation by Arthur Goldhammer is the first to fully capture Tocqueville’s achievements both as an accomplished literary stylist and as a profound political thinker.
|
| View all 6 comments |
Brett Williams (MSL quote), USA
<2007-01-09 00:00>
So many aspects of the deepest and most shallow in America are laid bare by a Frenchman who came to The States in 1835 to find for himself whether individuality, freedom and liberty could survive the dangers of equality and democracy. "[The nation] depends on [its people to determine] whether the principle of equality is to lead them to servitude or knowledge, to freedom or barbarism..." writes de Tocqueville. Perhaps, contrary to modern thought, only an outsider can so accurately assess a people. But de Tocqueville is eminently balanced, overall in favor (in my opinion) of what he saw, and thus dismissed in France upon his return.
He notes an American addiction to the practical rather than theoretical, a pragmatic concern, not for the lofty and perfect, but the quick and useful, with relentless ambition, feverish activity and unending quests for devices and shortcuts. Resulting from a requirement for survival on the frontier, these observations are the good, bad and ugly of our modern selves; Resourceful technocrats expanding comfort, health, safety or wealth by anyone with ingenuity and persistence; Our exchange of youth for old age in the workplace, improving our standard of living at the expense of our quality of life; America's shallow nature of thought, sealed up in sound-bites.
De Tocqueville finds in the sacred name of majority, a tyranny over the mind of Americans as oppressive and formidable as any other tyranny - arguably more so by virtue of its acceptance. Where monarchs failed to control thought, democracy succeeds. Opinion polls our politicians subscribe to have a power of conformity. "I know of no country in which there is so little independence of mind and real freedom of discussion as in America," he writes. "It is as if the natural bond which unites the opinions of man to his tastes, and his actions to his principles is now broken..."
Of literature and art we see why so much pulp crowds the bookshelf and bamboozles fill our galleries; "Style will frequently be fantastic, incorrect, overburdened and loose - almost always vehement and bold. Authors will aim at rapidity of execution more than at perfection of detail... The object of authors will be to astonish rather than to please, to stir the passions more than charm the taste."
A fascinating evolution of perception - of self and state - unfolds as the democratization of education, property ownership and the vote expands. Wiping away the trappings of privilege transforms the serfdom mindset. We see the perception of opinion as both scoffed when originating in individuals other than ourselves, and, conversely, the worship of opinion as a manifestation of majority rule. Americans, once lionizing the intrepid individual, instead took a turn to having most pride in their sameness. Armed with this understanding, today we see each group define itself by its signals - body language, speech cadence and inflection, vocabulary and dress. Today our youth have surfer speech, rap speech, gangster dress, the hooker look. Business embraces managerese, like "due diligence", "proactive", "right sizing", "leveraging assets to meet market demands". Politicians use the word "clearly" so often that what they mean is not clear. Every group has its code words, actions and look. A time consuming process of investigating the revealed character of individuals is exchanged for quicker, simpler signs.
The climax is reached with de Tocqueville's troubling "either or"; "We must understand what is wanted of society and its government. Do you wish to give a certain elevation of the human mind and teach it to regard the things of this world with generous feelings, to inspire men with a scorn of mere temporal advantages, to form and nourish strong convictions and keep alive a spirit of honorable devotedness? Is it your object to refine the habits, embellish the manners and cultivate the arts, to promote the love of poetry, beauty and glory? If you believe such to be the principle object of society, avoid the government of democracy, for it would not lead you with certainty to the goal.
"But if you hold it expedient to divert the moral and intellectual activity of man to the production of comfort and promotion of general well being; if a clear understanding be more profitable to a man than genius; if your object be not to stimulate the virtues of heroism, but the habits of peace; if you had rather witness vices and crimes and are content to meet with fewer noble deeds, provided offences be diminished in the same proportion; if, instead of living in the midst of a brilliant society you are contented to have prosperity around you... to ensure the greatest enjoyment and to avoid the most misery... then establish democratic institutions." |
James Maclean (MSL quote), USA
<2007-01-09 00:00>
While I was delighted with Tocqueville's masterpiece per se, it's necessary to emphasize that this particular edition is superb. First, the translation is in good, fluid style; second, it is unabridged, which is essential; and third, because it included the notes and map. I have read abridged editions and found them uninteresting because the analytical digressions were cut off. Please don't be daunted by the great length of this edition; I found it a surprisingly fast read. It's not terribly original to rave about the excellence of Tocqueville's work; even those who disagree with his worldview find his way of expressing it both stimulating and very useful for solidifying their own opinions. Tocqueville, moreover, is very good at using classical methods of dialectical philosophy to explain why one would expect certain conditions to prevail in the United States, given other circumstances that obtain.
Having just read much of the political philosophy of Plato, plus Bertrand Russell's criticism of it, I would say that a commonly-overlooked merit of Tocqueville's work - particularly Book I - is that it serves as a dialectic alternative to the Platonic tradition of political philosophy. Plato used an ingenious approach of leading questions and deductive responses to argue that society required a firm structure with permanent, ergo ultraconservative, institutions. The object was to preserve highminded- ness and public spiritedness, which for Plato and the great majority of Western political philosophers since him, meant a caste society with total egalitarianism amongst the classes. Both features, plus the absolute devotion to warfare and martial glory (on the part of the guardians) naturally militated against liberty.
Writers since Plato, such as Filmer, applied variants of this political philosophy to more recent societies, usually relaxing Plato's corollary hostility to new technologies: modern technology tended to facillitate state coercion, and experience with egalitarianism amongst classes--as, for example, in revolutionary battlefields--suggested that it was not essential, or even helpful, for suppressing class struggle. Tocqueville's insight was to apply a dialectic of liberty to the experience of democracies in general and the United States in particular (he distinguishes firmly between the two; France after the July [1830] revolution was, for example, more democratic than before, and the like was true for the UK after the 1832 Reform Act). Oddly, he regards the USA as distinguished mainly by the high degree of EQUALITY he sw there, rather than democracy; he regards the latter as having the far more decisive impact on the formation of social mores, and hence, of living conditions.
I said Tocqueville offers a dialectic alternative to Plato's caste-oligarchy. He is dialectic in the sense that he organizes the book in many short chapters, each proposing a question about the peculiar Usonian national character (e.g., why is American patriotism so captious? Why are American attitudes so conformist?). The succession of questions is not truly dialectic, insofar as they are not, strictly speaking, interrelated, as a Platonic dialogue would be; however, Tocqueville does rely on deductive reasoning to explain what he has observed, and, much the way Socrates was supposed to have deduced the immortality of the soul and its survival into the next life, so Tocqueville makes some startlingly accurate predictions about the future of the United States.
Tocqueville's general view of the USA is startlingly favorable, particularly for a European observer; but it includes much criticism, some of it harsh. In particular, he finds conformity of opinions and the tyranny of the majority almost unendurable; slavery he attacks lightly (France still had slavery in 1835, and the UK began phasing out slavery in 1834; abolition was still a sore point amongst the colonial powers), but his prognosis of race relations is extremely bleak. He never includes the words, "America is great, because it is good" (that appears to have originated with either Gerald Ford in March '76 or with Eisenhower, to whom Ford attributed the remark); it's pretty clear that Tocqueville was not prone to such fatuous simplication. He does, however, regard the problems of democracy in the United States as generally easier to mitigate and live with, than the residual problems of autocracy in Europe. He also regards the emergence of democracy as inevitable. |
Michael Neulander (MSL quote), USA
<2007-01-09 00:00>
De Tocqueville was simply of one of the great social scientists writing about America and Democracy. From reading the book I deduced that De Tocqueville was a social scientist before Marx! He compares European culture and government with the fledgling culture and democracy he observes in America. He is very much impressed with what he sees taking place in America in the 1830's and hopes it will spread to Europe. He at first believed that America's prosperity was simply due to geography and their distance from powerful neighbors, he abandons this idea after his visit to America. He comes to realize that the West is not being peopled "by new European immigrants to America, but by Americans who he believes have no adversity to taking risks". De Tocqueville comes to see that Americans are the most broadly educated and politically advanced people in the world and one of the reasons for the success of our form of government. He also foretells America's industrial preeminence and strength through the unfettered spread of ideas and human industry.
De Tocqueville also saw the insidious damage that the institution of slavery was causing the country and predicted some 30 years before the Civil War that slavery would probable cause the states to fragment from the union. He also the emergence of stronger states rights over the power of the federal government. He held fast to his belief that the greatest danger to democracy was the trend toward the concentration of power by the federal government. He predicted wrongly that the union would probably break up into 2 or 3 countries because of regional interests and differences. This idea is the only one about America that he gets wrong. Despite some of his misgivings, De Tocqueville, saw that democracy is an "inescapable development" of the modern world. The arguments in the "Federalist Papers" were greater than most people realized. He saw a social revolution coming that continues throughout the world today.
De Tocqueville realizes at the very beginning of the "industrial revolution" how industry, centralization and democracy strengthened each other and moved forward together. I am convinced that De Tocqueville is still the preeminent observer of America but is also the father of social science. A must read for anyone interested in American history, political philosophy or the social sciences. |
Mike Heath (MSL quote), USA
<2007-01-09 00:00>
I constantly use Democracy in America as a reference guide. Tocqueville's essays on the dangers of a pure democracy and how Americans relate to their government is as relevant today as it was in the 1800s. Tocqueveille brings forward a broad range of themes, his essays on these themes provide evidence he was an uncanny journalist and poltical analyst, a rare trait in one person. Its amazing that one person could learn so much in one 9 month trip!
The reader not only gets an unmatched history lesson on the effects our founding had on America circa-Jacksonian times, his his genius analysis of that history provides perspective on the strengths of having a democratic republic where liberty reigns rather a pure democracy mutating into tyranny that are just as true today. |
View all 6 comments |
|
|
|
|
